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{i}
SAIL
Studies in American Indian
Literatures
Series 2
Volume 1, Numbers 3 & 4
Winter1989
{ii}
General Editors: Helen Jaskoski and Robert M. Nelson
Poetry/Fiction: Joseph W. Bruchac III
Bibliographer: Jack W. Marken
Editor Emeritus: Karl Kroeber
Assistant to the Editor: Sharon M. Dilloway
SAIL - Studies in American Indian Literatures
is the only scholarly journal in the United States that
focuses exclusively on American Indian literatures. The journal
publishes reviews, interviews, bibliographies, creative work
including transcriptions of performances, and scholarly and theoretical
articles on any aspect of American Indian literature including
traditional oral material in dual-language format or translation,
written works, and live and media performances of verbal art.
SAIL is published twice yearly. Subscription rates
for 1989 are $8 within the United States, $12 (American) outside
the U.S.
For advertising and subscription information please write
to
Robert M. Nelson
Department of English
University of Richmond, Virginia 23173
Manuscripts should follow MLA format; please submit three
copies with SASE to
Helen Jaskoski
SAIL
Department of English
California State University Fullerton
Fullerton, California 92634
Creative work should be addressed to
Joseph Bruchac, Poetry/Fiction Editor
The Greenfield Review Press
2 Middle Grove Avenue
Greenfield Center, New York 12833
Copyright SAIL. After first printing in SAIL
copyright reverts to the author.
ISSN: 0730-3238
Production of this issue was funded by the University
of Richmond.
{iii}
CONTENTS
BIRD SONGS OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA. AN INTERVIEW
WITH PAUL APODACA
Helen Jaskoski
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COMMENTARY
From the
Editors .
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Special Issues
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REVIEWS
Approaches to Teaching Momadays "The Way To Rainy
Mountain."
Ed. Kenneth M. Roemer.
Jim Charles .
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14
The Native in Literature: Ganadian and Gomparative Perspectives.
Ed. Thomas King, Cheryl Calver and Helen Hoy.
Agnes Grant
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15
Recovering the Word: Essays on Native American Literature.
Ed. Brian Swann and Arnold Krupat.
Helen Jaskoski .
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DArcy McNickle. James Ruppert.
Alanna K. Brown .
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24
The Faithful Hunter: Abenaki Stories. As told by
Joseph Bruchac.
Joyce
Flynn .
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27
Elderberry Flute Song: Contemporary Coyote Tales. Peter
Blue Cloud/Aroniawenrate.
Robley Evans
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29
Zuñi Folk Tales. Ed. Frank Hamilton Cushing.
Clifford E.
Trafzer .
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31
The Moccasin Maker. E. Pauline Johnson. Intro., Annot.,
Bib. A. LaVonne Brown Ruoff.
Hertha Wong
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33
{iv}
Ghost Singer. Anna Lee Walters.
Rhoda Carroll
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36
I Tell You Now: Autobiographical Essays by Native American
Writers.
Ed. Brian Swann
and Arnold Krupat.
Survival This Way: Interviews with American Indian Poets.
Joseph Bruchac.
Helen Jaskoski
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37
Hand into Stone. Elizabeth Woody.
Linda Danielson
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40
Savings: Poems. Linda Hogan.
Cynthia Taylor
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43
Greyhounding This America: Poems and Dialog. Maurice
Kenny.
Robert F. Gish
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45
The Hopi Way: Tales from a Vanishing Culture. Ed.
Mando Sevillano.
Paul Zolbrod
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47
Briefly
Noted .
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48
CONTRIBUTORS
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50
{1}
BIRD SONGS OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
An Interview With Paul Apodaca
INTRODUCTION
Many people--probably
most--have received their ideas about California Indians from
Theodora Kroeber's biography of a northern Californian, Ishi,
and Helen Hunt Jackson's Ramona, a romantic novel
based on some events in the life of a Cahuilla woman. Very few
scholars or writers, however, have studied oral and written literature
composed by Native Californians themselves. One person who is
engaged in this study is Paul Apodaca, who has been working with
the language, texts, music and performances of Cahuilla songs
as recorded on older wax cylinder recordings and in present-day
performance.
I became interested
in Bird Songs after seeing the exhibit Paul Apodaca arranged
for the Bowers Museum in 1987, and watching the videotape he
had produced of some of the singers. Later, I called and asked
where I could learn more about the songs, and he graciously agreed
to be interviewed on the subject. Our conversation took place
at the museum on September 14, 1989.
Helen Jaskoski
Interviewer: You and Leanne Hinton have both
published articles on bird songs of Southern California.1
My first question is about this designation 'bird song."
Paul Apodaca: It's interesting. The songs
are not dealing primarily with birds. They are mythological songs
that talk about the emergence of the first people onto the surface
of the earth, their travels around southern California, and their
transformations into animal forms.
A good portion
of them do deal with transformation into bird form; they all
deal with transformation into other forms, and birds are one.
The popularity of the term bird song is fascinating all by itself,
because these songs are sung from Arizona, all the way down into
the Grand Canyon among the Havasupai and the Hualapai, up into
northern Mexico with the Cocopas, all the way out to the west
coast with the Kumeyaay in San Diego, and northward all the way
up into Los Angeles among the Gabrielino. The fact that all these
varied tribes would use the same designation--bird song--is unusual.
{2}
But more unusual
than that is the fact that they come from completely different
linguistic bases. We have Hokan-speaking peoples in the San Diego
area and Shoshonean-speaking peoples in the middle part of Southern
California, and then we return to Hokan then we get up into the
Chumash areas in Santa Barbara.
I'm working with
Cahuilla translators, and I'm learning some Cahuilla words. The
Cahuilla language has a Shoshonean base. (I should note this
about Shoshonean languages: the southern California Indians have
grown to resent use of the term "Shoshonean" in describing
their language, because many people cannot distinguish between
linguistics and tribal or cultural organization; Shoshonean-speaking
peoples and the Shoshone tribe, though maybe obviously different
to us, seem to be the same to lay people. I generally now use
the term Takic for the language group, or Shoshonean/Takic.)
What is referred
to as the Shoshonean wedge is a body of linguistically similar
people in the central part of southern California. It is thought
that there was a migration of Shoshonean-speaking people from
the east out to the coast of California, maybe as long ago as
6,000 years, maybe as short as 2,000 years ago. But the fact
that Shoshonean speakers would have a body of songs that was
similar and named the same and used the same way as the Hokan-speaking
people that were previously there is quite remarkable.
Interviewer: I'm interested in what you say
about Arizona. I'm familiar with the Pima emergence myth. Are
the bird songs also sung by Piman-speaking peoples?
Paul Apodaca: There's an overlap, because
some of the O'odham, the Papago people, sing bird songs. And
I've heard that some of the Pima sing bird songs, as well. So,
in the exhibition that we did,2 I produced maps that
designated a bird song area, which seemed to be the only way
to approach it, rather than trying to say bird song tribes. It
seems to be more a geographical area.
Interviewer: You mentioned a ceremonial cycle
of songs, and you've talked about the songs as related to an
emergence-creation story. What can you tell me about the myth
and about the cycle as a whole?
Paul Apodaca: The idea of the songs being
mythical, depictions of creation, is absolutely accurate. But
they should not be confused with the tribal creation myths, because
those are different. And yet, they are similar. So, the Cahuilla
have their own creation myth, which was recorded in the 1960s,
and that creation myth is very different from the Mojave creation
myth. And yet the Cahuilla and the Mojave both sing bird songs,
which contain elements of the creation myth in them. {3}
What is fascinating, though, is that the creation story that
is being told in the bird song cycles seems to be a different
creation myth from the ones that the particular tribes who are
singing the songs may use within their own religious complexes.
Their descriptions
of the emergence of the first people are in terms that are very
different from what people would expect. They talk about the
people coming up through the earth, almost as if materializing
up through the earth. They have come from somewhere else, but
they didn't come down to the earth from the sky, and they don't
come out of holes in the ground as they do in Navajo. Rather,
they seem to ooze right up out of the ground, and when they come,
they are on their stomachs. They talk about crawling on their
stomachs and moving over hills and down valleys on their stomachs,
almost, if you can imagine, like people on sleds, sliding down
hills, snow-covered hills. Almost like that, undulating and sliding,
all up and down hills and down through valleys. This movement
of the people, and the way they describe their movement, is very
different from anything you hear elsewhere.
Also, their description
of the transformation into the modern forms of deer, birds, and
so on, is alluded to in other myths, but it is openly stated
in these bird songs. For instance, one of the songs says,
My hands are growing hard, and make a
rat-a-tat sound when I walk.
My hands are growing hard, and make a
rat-a-tat sound when I walk.
I have a tail, but it will not hide me.
I have a tail, but it will not hide me,
as it describes the transformation into a deer. And the people's
exclamations as they're changing into these forms are remarkable:
they are done in the first person, and they sound surprised as
they describe what's happening to them. They very graphically
describe this physical transformation.
To sing the entire
body of songs takes all night. The first songs, the entrance
songs, are sung as the sun goes down. The entire cycle is gone
through during the night, until the morning; when the sun rises,
the final song in the cycle is sung.
The length of
individual songs seems to be completely up to the singers. The
songs themselves are generally two, maybe three lines long, and
they are repeated; how many repetitions of those lines within
a song seems to be up to the singers. They can complete one song
in two minutes, or they can take that same song and extend it
for ten minutes.
{4}
The songs are
mythical, but they are also social--entertainment, if you will--when
they are not being sung in their entirety. If the songs are being
sung during the daytime, for instance, in a home or something
like that, dancing accompanies the songs, and the California
Indian style of dancing, of course, is a whole other subject.
When they're done in that way, the songs are performed more for
social fun. When they are going to be sung in the entire body,
though, that's when a group of singers gather together and will
spend the whole night singing. Dancing may or may not occur during
that singing.
When the entire
cycle is sung today, its done usually at a designated festival
or fiesta. At Morongo [the Morongo (Cahuilla) reservation outside
Banning, California], for instance, they have an annual fiesta,
usually in May, to raise money to support the Malki museum on
the reservation. That night of the fiesta is when the singers
at Morongo sing the bird song cycle. There's no ceremonial date,
though, that ties in; there's no ceremonial calendar that makes
that date particularly important within Cahuilla culture. It
has become a modern tradition. The tribes are gathered for the
fiesta, so all the singers are there, the families are there
to support the museum, so that seems to be an opportune time
to sing the cycle. How a date was determined when to sing the
cycle in previous times we don't know yet. That may be something
that we'll find out.
Interviewer: When you're talking about the
songs as being recognized by different people from different
language groups and different cultural systems, how are the songs
identified? That is, do you find identical melodies or identical
use of instrumentation or identical texts, or all three of those?
Paul Apodaca: Yes, all three. Again, that's
one of the fascinating aspects. Southern California Indian people
do not utilize drums, for instance, as a musical instrument;
they use only rattles. And the old ceremonial rattles are deer
hoof rattles. The second level down, moving toward the secular
in rattles, would be turtle shell. After that, then, either cocoon
rattles or gourd rattles are the latest type. Gourd rattles are
very commonly used nowadays by almost all bird singers. And now,
because of the influence of Plains Indians, tin can rattles are
being used as well: the saltshaker type rattles that are traditionally
used by Cheyenne and other Plains Indians are being utilized
today by bird singers, which in some cases may be regrettable.
The rattle, though,
is not the predominant instrument of the Shoshonean-speaking
peoples to the east of California. And herein lies one of the
great enigmas of the bird songs: as the Shoshonean-speaking peoples
came into California, they seem to have abandoned {5}
their own instrumentation and adopted the California instrumentation
of rattle only.
By the same token,
basket-making techniques that are utilized with Shoshonean-speaking
peoples east of California are not utilized at all by Shoshonean-speaking
Indians in California. So, again, basketry technology seems to
have been abandoned as they crossed the border, and the California
model seems to have been adopted.
So all of a sudden
we've got the Shoshoneans pushing their way out to the coast.
Yet by the time they hit the coast, it seems there's nothing
left of their culture except the remnants of the language itself.
Their instrumentation, their basketry technology, their clan
structures, everything else all of a sudden has transformed into
the same model that is used by California Indians, Hokan speakers
to the north and the south of the Shoshonean wedge.
The bird songs
seem to be the key to this insight. But there seems to have been
a southern California cultural pattern that was so strong and
so dominant that all other tribes that encountered it, though
they came from different languages and different geographical
areas, abandoned their cultural model and adopted the California
model.
Interviewer: I have a question that goes
back to the story, the governing story, we would call it. It
sounds as though you're saying that the songs are primarily lyrics,
that you don't have an extended narrative in any single song,
but these are lyrics that do refer to a governing story.
Paul Apodaca: Each song is almost like a
verse or a passage from the overall narrative. So one cannot
hear the story unless one hears all the songs in their proper
order. Then the emphasis on different parts of the stories is
not always as apparent as it would be in other forms.
Interviewer: Has the overall story been recorded?
Paul Apodaca: No, not completely. That's
just where we are right now. Just this last weekend I was sitting
down with some Cahuillas and we uncovered some tapes that had
been recorded by some of their fathers. One of them had been
recorded thirty-four years ago and no one has ever heard the
tape; his father had recorded it in a room, put it in a box,
and no one had ever heard it.
We've also found
thirty brand-new bird songs, and we've found about forty ceremonial
songs that are all Cahuilla that no one has heard in thirty-four
years. Most people had either forgotten them or thought they
were lost.
{6}
Interviewer: Incredible! You must have
felt as if you had walked into a bank vault.
Paul Apodaca: Absolutely. A real treasure.
And so, the entire body of the story is not complete. And that's
what I'm working toward.
Interviewer: Are you working toward a book?
Paul Apodaca: I think that I'm going to have
to. It started as an interest in the music. The music itself
is remarkable, because the melodies are very pleasing to your
American senses of musicality, and that is very unusual in Native
American music. The bird songs, however, seem to utilize musical
notation that is similar to European forms of melody. As a result,
a Euro-American listening to a bird song can whistle the melody
within a few seconds of hearing it. Many people feel compelled
to try to sing along. Its interesting all of a sudden to find
this body of very--what we in Euro-American culture would call
melodic music--among these Native Americans here. That was how
I was first drawn to the music: hearing melodies that I could
hum and sing.
Then, a pursuit
of that drew us into the rhythm structures. The rhythm structures
are very different from any I've heard in Native American music
before, and much more complex. In charting some of the rhythms,
we find that passages are broken into different tempos, and the
construction of the rhythms starts to resemble jazz and even
Afro-jazz fusion rhythms. These end up becoming almost polyrhythmic,
in the way that the rattle versus voice rhythms are being counterpointed.
They are the most rhythmically complex music that I've heard
in the Americas, and that seems confirmed by most ethnomusicologists
that I've worked with on the subject.
Then we started
recording and documenting the music, and then we started getting
deeper into the words and the language. And as we start uncovering
all of it, we are just plunging deeper and deeper. What started
out as a fascination with the music and an effort to document
and help popularize the form is now revealing so much information
that I think a book is going to have to happen.
Interviewer: On the subject of words and
texts, and the different language groups that have bird songs:
are the songs sung by all in a single language, or are they translated?
Would you find in a Shoshonean and in a Hokan language the same
song with the same basic sense but translated into both those
languages?
Paul Apodaca: It seems to be a body of songs,
period. Different tribes seem to have learned the songs and then
adapted some of the {7} songs into
their language. All the tribes that sing them acknowledge that
there are some songs whose words they do not understand, and
almost all of them acknowledge that even within any one song
there are words or parts of phrases that they don't understand.
It seems again
to indicate that the songs themselves were there first, and different
tribes slowly adapted some of their own words into the songs
but only did so to a certain degree.
Interviewer: Are you hypothesizing an extinct
language?
Paul Apodaca: Yes. Absolutely and definitely,
yes. No need to be shy about it. I'm saying that I really think
that what were uncovering is an older language that was here
maybe even before the Hokan speakers. That's a big reach, I realize.
But there are ethnographic notes in Harrington's work and in
others that state very clearly that there were at least two types
of languages that were spoken among almost all the tribes that
were here in southern California. One was a secular language
spoken by the common people, and the other was a shaman's language
that was only used among medicine people.
So, the idea
of multiple languages within the groups seems already well-established
within southern California. The fact that these songs that were
listening to are unintelligible in parts, even to the shamanistically
trained tribal members now, either indicates that this is a language
that may be related to abandoned shamanistic languages or it
may indicate, as I'm saying, an even deeper root. At that point,
the door is open. We don't know. So I could say that this language
goes back to the Ice Age just as easily as I could say this is
a language that disappeared 300 years ago.
Interviewer: It's a wonderful hypothesis.
As far as any of the texts that exist now: were any of the bird
songs recorded earlier?
Paul Apodaca: Yes. John Peabody Harrington,
T. T. Waterman, Constance Goddard, Helen Roberts, and a number
of ethnomusicologists and ethnographers in the early part of
this century--also Alfred Kroeber--recorded southern California
Indian music. Those recordings are available through the Library
of Congress right now, through the Federal Cylinder Project Program,
which has been transferring those early recordings from Edisonphone
wax cylinders and aluminum discs onto tape.
Catalogues of
those recordings have also been assembled, mainly through the
efforts of Richard Keeling, who now is at UCLA and was formerly
with the Lowie Museum in Berkeley.3
{8}
Interviewer: So, you're saying that songs
were recorded, but apparently they were not transcribed or analyzed,
that not much of the work actually got into B.A.E. bulletins,
for instance.
Paul Apodaca: That's right. Keeling has made
access to the original recordings possible, and that gives us
a way, now, to be able to compare a bird song the way it's sung
today, and find a recording that was made in the early part of
the century--in 1910, 1915--and be able to see any variation
within it.
What is remarkable
is that the songs seem to be very much the same except for a
few rhythmic changes, and a change in pronunciation of some of
the words, attributable to the fact that modern singers are not
always fully conversant in their native language. So, many times
they are working off of vocables rather than out of intelligible
renditions of the lyrics. When the original singers who were
recorded in the early part of the century spoke exclusively their
own languages the pronunciations, guttural tones, et cetera,
are more pronounced than in modern recordings.
Interviewer: In your study of the music,
are you involved in developing a system of notation?
Paul Apodaca: That's something that will
have to happen as well. Each ethnomusicologist who has worked
on Native American music, just like each linguist, seems to have
developed a notation.
One of the things
in southern California Indian music is the concept of the California
lift in melody: the melody is repeated over and over within a
certain notation range, and then it is lifted by sometimes as
much as a full third up to another level of notation, and repeated,
and then drops back down to the major that it started from.
This California
lift is present in the bird songs and is one of the structural
points that helps us to recognize a bird song versus a ceremonial
song. Ceremonial songs don't use the lift, but bird songs always
do. There are other southern California songs that use the lift,
but the rhythms of those other songs are different from bird
songs. So, when we combine the rhythm with the structure within
the melody, along with some translation of words, we seem to
be able to identify the bird song.
Interviewer: All that you've been saying
about the songs suggests that this is a very old body of work,
and that its not a category in which any recent composition is
being done. Is that right?
Paul Apodaca: That's correct. There are no
modern compositions done in this at all.
{9}
Interviewer: That would be different,
say, from Hopi katsina songs, which I know are being composed.
Paul Apodaca: That's right. Or Navajo songs,
which are still being composed today.
Interviewer: That brings up the question
of how the bird songs are being transmitted now. Are many young
people learning bird songs now?
Paul Apodaca: Many young people are not,
but there are some. The elders . . . Well, the California Indians
have suffered terribly under the hands of Americans and everyone
else. There is no group of people that has suffered more, culturally,
than the southern California Indians, though they number more
than anyone else. California is the state with the most Indians
in it. California has always had the most tribes and California
has the most reservations: there are thirty-two reservations
in southern California alone.
In the 1950s,
every man, woman, and child in the Cahuilla nation was declared
mentally incompetent by the American court system. In this way,
all of their land and all the rental and lease fees that were
coming to them from their ownership of the city of Palm Springs
were taken away from them. It was not reversed until the late
1960s. By then, the Republican interests in southern California
were able to capitalize on all the money in that area and seize
control of that part of San Diego County and San Bernardino County.
You can track down who did it. The people's cultures have been
so denigrated, so it is understandable that young people have
not been able to gain all this cultural knowledge as they have
been growing up.
What has happened
in the last ten years--and I like to think that some of the efforts
that we've made have helped to contribute toward it--is that
there has been a resurgence of pride among the people themselves
to maintain and carry on their culture. There is an attempt,
more every year on the parts of older people as well as younger
people, to relearn these songs and other aspects of the culture.
Yet, at the same
time, the forces that were let loose in the 1950s by southern
California America have been too effective. This year, at the
Torres-Martinez Reservation, they had to burn one of the sacred
houses. At Torres-Martinez, they had a sacred house, which was
common among all the Cahuilla, where ceremonial materials were
stored. The house was said to speak to the shamans: by sitting
within the house, the shaman would be able to converse with the
house and be able to stay balanced within the religion.
{10}
By the summer
of 1989 there were no more shamans at Torres-Martinez who understood
the secrets of the house. The house without control is seen as
dangerous: without proper control, all medicine or all power
is dangerous. So the Cahuilla, not having the proper control
for the house, decided that the only thing left to do was burn
it down. So this summer they burned down the house. Now, you
cannot have religious freedom if there is no one left to practice
the religion and if the churches are burnt. So, the culture is
still very much threatened right now. There are people trying
to relearn some of these things, including the bird songs, but
there may be aspects of the songs that well never be able to
uncover now.
Interviewer: We have only a hint of the very
rich philosophy and religious and literary tradition that must
have been in existence.
Paul Apodaca: Yes. The bird songs are an
example of one of the most important statements in Native American
mythology: that people did exist in a different form, other than
the one that we see here, and that at some point there was a
great transformation wherein people took on different forms in
order to accomplish different works or fulfill different responsibilities.
So deer and men and coyotes and birds are all related to each
other because they are all people.
It is a basic
approach toward all living things that is different from the
European view, which resists the idea that all things have the
same value as human beings. Outsiders often describe Indians
on the edges of the forest saying they sang or prayed before
they hunted, and then afterwards sang to thank the animals for
their sacrifice. That has always sounded very dissatisfying to
me. It sounds very European, very Hellenistic, like a sacrificial
offering, which is really antithetical to Native American thought.
The idea of a sacrificial offering before hunting never seemed
to make sense, whether it was the offering of a prayer or of
a song.
But what the
bird songs confirm, and what Serrano tradition seems to indicate
as well, is that the purpose of the singing was to remind the
animal that he had once been a person, and that the reason why
they had transformed into these different forms was to fulfill
the responsibility of keeping life going on the earth.
It is therefore
the responsibility of the deer to present himself now to be used
for food, so that the human body will be able to function, and
it is the responsibility of the human body to properly use the
deer body in its furtherance of life. It was assumed when the
song was sung that the deer would literally present themselves
to be killed. lt was therefore also assumed that if one did not
follow these {11} proper prescriptions,
one would never be able to hunt deer successfully. Now, that
is very different from the concept of ritual offering.
Interviewer: As you formulate the idea, it
also sounds very different from the notion of compulsive magic.
That is, a mutual responsibility is not the same thing as one
being compelling another.
Paul Apodaca: That's right. Mutual responsibility
is important. The bird songs are important in that during the
time of the singing the singer is propelled, if you will, back
to that mythic time. Those who hear the song have a chance to
return to the original form that they were in before we became
human, animal, deer. The songs express important concepts that
underlie all the cultures. The songs may be giving us an insight
to maybe--and it's a stretch, but I'm willing to say it because
no one is going to be able to challenge it--you know, this may
even be an Ice Age hunter-gatherer view of life.
Interviewer: Who could argue?
Paul Apodaca: Exactly.
Interviewer: I want to thank you for giving
us this introduction to the Bird Songs. Is there a final comment,
or maybe a summing-up you'd like to make?
Paul Apodaca: The one thing that I really
want people to understand is that no one has studied Native American
culture. No one has studied the music. No one has studied the
language. No one has studied the architecture. When it comes
to literature, also, no one has studied it at all. Everything
that has been done up to this point is nothing, compared to what
is there. And that is the great shame, as well as the great challenge
that we have. We know nothing right now, compared to what there
is to be known.
NOTES
1The
two articles, Paul Apodaca, "First Voices of Southern California"
and Leanne Hinton, "Song: Overcoming the Language Barrier,"
are in News from Native California, 2:5 (November-December
1988).
2The
exhibit was titled "First Voices: Indigenous Music of Southern
California" and was held at the Bowers Museum, Santa Ana,
October 9, 1987 to January 10, 1988.
3Richard
Keeling's compilation, A Guide to Ethnographic Field Recordings
at the Robert H. Lowie Museum of Anthropology, is scheduled
for publication in 1990 from University of California Press.
{12}
COMMENTARY
FROM THE EDITORS
As SAIL series
2 prepares to move into a second year of operation we have continuing
good news and indications of support from many sides. Bob Nelson's
energy and dedication have found a more permanent home for production
at the University of Richmond, and I look forward to our collaboration.
It is my pleasure to thank Dan Littlefield and Jim Parins for
designing our new format, which many of you have noted as a major
step forward for SAIL's reputation and quality,
and for seeing to the many details of production of these initial
issues. Dan and Jim have been unfailingly patient and meticulous
as they have dealt with last-minute emendations, new typesetting
programs and--not least--the U.S. mail; I feel fortunate to have
had the opportunity to work with them.
Although we had
originally projected only two issues for 1989, new material coming
in and help from the University of Richmond are permitting us
to begin quarterly publication with our first volume. This Winter
1989 issue is a double issue, Numbers 3 and 4, and we are happy
to be able to bring out so many of our book reviews in a timely
manner. With our next number we begin Volume 2, 1990. This will
mean, of course, a new subscription year as well, and we encourage
early renewal; for the time being we are able to continue offering
SAIL for $8 yearly within the U.S. or $12 (American)
overseas. Now that we have a permanent home, subscriptions will
be maintained at Richmond; please send to Robert M. Nelson at
the address on inside front cover.
The future looks
very promising. I have had several long conversations with the
editors of these special issues, who are eager to present a wide
range of approaches and material within their special topics.
We encourage your submissions for these special issues as well
as for our regular numbers, and we welcome proposals for special
thematic issues in 1991 and succeeding volumes.
Helen Jaskoski
The transfer
of production operations from Little Rock to Richmond has gone
quite smoothly. For the record, I want to acknowledge two people
without whose help we'd all still be waiting for this issue to
appear: Mike Barbie, head of UR's print shop, who figured out
how to move us from photoready copy to printed journal at a minimum
of cost; and David Leary, UR's Dean of Arts and Sciences, who
has generously provided financial backing for this issue (and
for the next volume) of SAIL. I'm delighted that the
University {13} of Richmond is playing
this part in the "re-emergence" of SAIL. Our
hope is that, by the first number of Volume 3, the Association
will be stable enough financially to keep SAIL afloat
independently of UR's direct financial support.
Bob Nelson
*
*
*
*
SPECIAL ISSUES REMINDER
CLASSICAL LITERATURE & TRANSLATION
Send contributions and queries to
T. C. S. Langen
or Bonnie Barthold
Department of
English
Western Washington
University
Bellingham, WA
98225
Deadline for final papers: March 15, 1990
PEDAGOGY
Send contributions and queries to
Larry Abbott
P.O. Box 23
Orwell, VT 05760
Deadline: May 1, 1990
LESLIE MARMON SILKO'S
STORYTELLER
Send contributions and queries to
Linda Danielson
English/Speech/Foreign
Languages
Lane Community
College
4000 East 30th
Street
Eugene, OR 97405
Deadline: May 1, 1990
{14}
REVIEWS
Approaches to Teaching Momaday's "The Way
to Rainy Mountain." Ed. Kenneth M. Roemer.
New York: MLA, 1988. Cloth, ISBN 0-87352-509-4; paper, ISBN 0-87352-510-8.
As a teacher
educator part of my job is telling prospective teachers how
it should be done. I have been asked at times to tell experienced
teachers how it should be done. Over the years both
prospective and experienced teachers have demanded that I be
specific in my praise of and attacks on certain pedagogical practices
and in my suggestions of appropriate means to reach desired teaching
ends. I read Kenneth M. Roemer's Approaches to Teaching Momaday's
"The Way to Rainy Mountain" skeptically--as a
student or a teacher being told how it should be done would
read it. Roemer must, according to Joseph Gibaldi's preface to
the MLA Series on Approaches to Teaching World Literature, "collect
within [a] volume different points of view on teaching a specific
literary work" and create "a sourcebook of material,
information, and ideas on teaching the subject of the volume"
(viii). He does this with insight, specificity, and thoroughness--the
kind that would satisfy skeptical students, the kind necessary
for the work to be useful to teachers. Roemer's success is not
that he tells us how it should be done, but rather that he suggests
many viable approaches teachers can use to help students find
meaning in The Way to Rainy Mountain (WRM). He points
us in useful directions, each a way to WRM.
The thoroughness
of this volume strikes one immediately. In Part I, Materials,
Roemer provides accurate and detailed information on various
editions of the work, on critical studies of Momaday's work,
and on print and non-print resources for more thoroughly teaching
the work. Roemer suggests correctly that teachers enhance their
reading of WRM by providing students with relevant background
information on American Indian biography, American Indian cultures,
and American Indian literary genres. For each of these areas
he is careful to cite numerous sources.
In Part II, Approaches,
Roemer culls from the responses of numerous teachers of WRM
seventeen descriptions of other useful directions in which
to travel when searching for a way to teach the work. These include
cultural, structural, thematic, and literary pedagogical approaches
as well as approaches to the teaching of writing which utilize
WRM. Roemer includes three or four essays written by
outstanding teachers of WRM on each of these approaches.
These teachers
point out that through WRM readers become acquainted
with Momaday's personal history and the history of his {15} people, the Kiowas. In more general
terms WRM makes readers introspective about their own
culture, history and background. Further, the work describes
a method for a more thorough examination of history--personal,
tribal, and national. At the same time, WRM stands as
American literary art and American Indian literary art. It is
a work of structural and thematic complexity. The study of its
form and meaning frames instructional approaches to the work.
For teachers of literature, composition, history, English, and
courses which integrate these disciplines, WRM is an appropriate
text.
The Epilogue,
an interview with Momaday's Kiowa contemporary Gary Kodaseet,
is most intriguing. Rarely do we get the chance to read an American
Indian's critical response to the work of another American Indian.
That this is a fresh, valuable, and much needed critical voice
is clearly indicated. Kodaseet verifies matter-of-factly the
existence of alternative tellings of the Kiowa stories in WRM:
"Of all the stories that I read in The Way to Rainy
Mountain there are several that stand out. I've heard the
stories. The endings are the same, but the stories are different--little
differences. . . . The changes could be because the story is
oral history, and things change. You know, when you tell people,
you either add to the story or maybe you take something away.
But it comes out to the same ending" (147-148). His lack
of preoccupation with changes is instructive to those who insist
on "fixed" or "authoritative" texts of American
Indian verbal arts. He expresses an appreciation for the aesthetic
sense of a fellow Kiowa. In this interview Kodaseet refutes critical
attacks that WRM is too anecdotal and too personal a
work.
Kenneth Roemer
has done an outstanding job in presenting us with maps, with
useful directions. He shows us the many ways to WRM, a
work which leads readers to self-discovery, a work which defies
categorization and singular treatment, and thereby demands the
attention of teachers and students.
Jim Charles
University of South Carolina at Spartanburg
*
*
*
*
The Native in Literature: Canadian and Comparative
Perspectives. Ed. Thomas King, Cheryl Calver and
Helen Hoy. Oakville: ECW Press, 1987. Paper, ISBN 0-920763-16-2.
{16}
Papers from The
Native in Literature conference in Lethbridge (1985) make up
the major part of this book. I attended the conference as did
a goodly number of Native people--established professionals,
artists and writers as well as university students. Reactions
to the papers were mixed; while non-Native presenters spoke of
Native people as symbol and metaphor, Native people in the audience
responded with bewilderment, frustration and occasionally, hostility.
At one point two rows of Native people walked out; at another,
spirited repartee took place.
The organizers
are not to be faulted; the topic was clearly defined as the Native
in literature, not a Native literature conference.
My feeling of unease re-surfaced upon reading this book. I was
reminded of a comment by the Indian comedian, Charlie Hill, who
said that after years of saying "Ugh" and "How!",
"Playing human beings is a big stress for us" (Indian
Time, CTV, March, 1989).
The twelve essays
in this book offer a wide variety of viewpoints, many totally
acceptable to all readers. They are divided into three main categories,
though ideas do overlap. The first group consists of general
surveys which consider the presence of Indians and Indian culture
in non-Native writing and thinking. The second section deals
with writing by specific non-Native writers, and the third section
deals with Native literature, though only two of the presenters
are Native.
In the first
article, Margery Fee maintains that the presence of Indians in
contemporary Euro-Canadian writing is due to romantic nationalism.
Indians possess all the qualities needed for romantic literature:
a claim to the land, a past full of heroic deeds and an indigenous
language and mythology. Problems arise for non-Indian writers
because they have other histories and heritage, but it is only
by stubbornly clinging to the "literary Indian" that
Canadian nationalism manifests itself. To kill the literary Indian
would be to forfeit Canadian nationalism. Does this provide consolation
for the dispossessed, disenfranchised Natives in our midst who
are still seeking social and economic equality?
Eli Mandel's
essay categorizes literature on Indians as the myths of Indians
as primitives, of the origin of ancestors, of frontier and identification
with landscape, and finally the myth of marginality. He believes
that no non-Native writer has fused with Indian culture so completely
as to write as an Indian, but credits Rudy Wiebe with coming
closer than anyone else. However, he ends on a deliberately ambiguous
note, saying of Wiebe's writing, "I am one with the events
but I cannot read them" (47).
Gordon Johnston
entitles his essay "An Intolerable Burden of Meaning: Native
People in White Fiction." He points out that no {17}
ethical or social problems existed as long as writers were European
and in no position to meet Indians, and as long as readers clearly
understood the symbolic intent. In contemporary writing, he feels,
Indians are often exploited, appearing in order to either justify
or repudiate non-Native values. Direct experience is making symbolic
use more difficult, so contemporary writers try to detach Indians
from purely symbolic roles. He concludes,
The symbolic use of Indians by white authors is in itself
not racist, but the use of anomalous symbolic Indian figures
in a realist context is in danger of being racist since they
are separated from the humanity of other characters and obliged
to carry an intolerable burden of meaning. Their symbolic force
must derive not from what whites make of them but from what they
are. (65)
Terry Goldie
expresses concern over Native peoples in contemporary Canadian,
Australian and New Zealand literature. He questions whether aboriginal
writers can take a European form such as the novel and use it
to describe their own people. The essay is somewhat disappointing
in that it does not fulfill its promise of discussing aboriginal
literature from other countries, except in passing. An examination
of, for example, Witi Ihimaera's masterful novel, The Matriarch
(Maori), or Leslie Silko's Ceremony (Amerindian)
or Cohn Johnson's Doctor Wooreddy's Prescription for Enduring
the End of the World (Australian aborigine) would have contributed
to answering his question. He criticizes contemporary authors:
"Indigenous people in literature are not a reflection of
themselves but of the needs of the white culture which created
the literature" (75).
In the second
part of the book Leslie Monkman re-examines early exploration
accounts and focuses on the modifications of contemporary writers
as they use this material.
Terrence Craig
compares and contrasts the religious writing of Charles Gordon
(early 1900s) and the contemporary writing of Rudy Wiebe. He
points out similarities and, while crediting Wiebe with greater
historical accuracy and realism, points out that Wiebe is also
creating stereotypes. A measure of these stereotypes, perhaps,
was found in a reading that Wiebe gave at the 1985 conference.
Wiebe was raised in the Mennonite tradition, and his rendition
of Big Bear had all the cadences and nuances of a Mennonite minister
rather than a Cree Indian. Significantly, most of the Indian
listeners quietly left the room.
{18}
Angelika Maeser-Lemieux's
paper on the Metis in Margaret Laurence's writing is, for me,
the most disturbing paper. She uses a psychological-theological
approach based on Jung. Maeser-Lemieux sees the Metis as a metaphor
for the alienated and repressed parts of the individual and collective
psyche in patriarchal culture. She believes the "polarity
of psychological functions is revealed in the symbolism of colour
and race. Darker colour Natives . . . are associated with the
feared primitive, unconscious instinctual forces, repressed psychic
powers . . ."(116). Maeser-Lemieux quotes Rayna Green's
assertion that Indian women are portrayed as either "princesses"
or "squaws" in non-Native literature. Green goes on
to say that these are "unendurable metaphors" (126).
However well-intentioned Maeser-Lemieux's words, two rows of
Native people walked out during the delivery. The exploitation
of Metis in this essay was, indeed, an "intolerable burden
of meaning," an "unendurable metaphor."
Barbara Godard's
essay is entitled "Listening for the Silence: Native Women's
Traditional Narratives." This is an exciting topic, rarely
explored in literature. She begins with a reference to Beth Cuthland,
Jeanette Armstrong and Maria Campbell, three Native writers who
expressed fear that if white women should write about Native
themes the image of the squaw would predominate. Godard asks,
"Whose symbolic systems are being furthered by the present
formulation of Native women's religious beliefs?" (136).
She examines Anne Cameron's Daughters of Copper Woman and
Nan Salerno and Roslyn Vanderburgh's Shaman's Daughter. With
her third choice, Lynn Andrews' Medicine Woman, she
undermines her scholarship and loses credibility. She recognizes
one weakness in the book (there is no tundra outside of Winnipeg),
but she quotes Agnes Whistling Elk as an authority on the spirituality
of Native women. Medicine Woman is a parody of Native
culture which might even be humourous if it were not a travesty.
(An excellent review of Medicine Woman by Lorelei Cederstrom
can be found in the Canadian Journal of Native Studies, 2:1,
1982.)
There may be
merit in Godard's explanation of the conventions of "appropriate
telling" by Native women; she refers to Beverly Hungry Wolf,
Verna Patronella Johnston and Alma Greene. But the lesson to
be learned from this essay is to leave well enough alone. Lee
Maracle (I Am Woman, North Vancouver: Write-on Press,
1988) warns non-Natives to leave her spirituality alone; it is
not available for corruption.
The third part
of The Native in Literature begins with an essay by
Robin McGrath, who refers to traditional Inuit narrative and
{19} examines how it is influencing
contemporary Inuit stories. She points out that modern works
with connections to oral tradition are very popular, even when
the connections are not readily apparent.
George Cornell
(Chippewa) points out that early accounts of Indian life rarely
attempted to interpret oral traditions as Native people understood
them. Rather, the collective beliefs of Indians were used to
place them in opposition to the social and religious dogma of
colonial powers. Native history was "usurped by literary
imperialism" (176) so Native people lost control of their
history and became products of a foreign culture's imagination.
He calls the interpretation of oral narrative outside the culture
from which it springs "literary heresy." Western definitions
have been, and continue to be imposed on Native oral tradition.
A more fruitful exercise would be a comprehensive, multidisciplinary
analysis which allows for emergence of "non-poetic"
issues and commentaries. He then analyzes "Thrown Away,"
an allegory, as told by the Shawnee Prophet, to show how this
can be done.
Two Native writers,
Maria Campbell (Halfbreed) and James Welch (Winter
in the Blood) are used by Kate Vangen (Assiniboine)
to show how contemporary writers use humour as a narrative device.
It is a technique to "defuse the power that oppression generates"
(13) and a defiant gesture where Natives "make faces"
at their white readership. Much of Native literature remains
"underground" and must be kept there because of what
Vangen calls "artifact-seeking outlaws" (199). Vangen
believes that most Native humour has escaped literary interpretations
because the gestures are not perceived or else not appreciated.
But she also believes that the alternative world view that lies
bidden beneath the humour can become accessible to readers who
willingly accept it and explore its sociopolitical origins.
The last essay,
by Jarold Ramsey, is on the assimilation of European folktales
in Native societies in general and on "Ti-jean and the Seven-headed
Dragon" in particular. The discussion is interesting but
smacks of the "literary imperialism" identified by
Cornell. Ramsey looks for the internal rules and dynamics of
traditional oral narratives, imposing his cultures structures.
That Ti-jean
becomes partially integrated because he is similar to "Heroic-boy
protagonists" in some Native folklore is an acceptable concept,
but when Ti-jean is compared to the trickster figure, the author
treads on questionable ground. The trickster figure in Native
mythology is sacred; Ti-jean is profane and foreign. The author
does not seem to fully comprehend the significance of the trickster
when he talks about "the outrageous quality of mischief-as-an-end-in-itself
{20} that motivates Coyote and his
kind" (208). He also shows disregard for the sacredness
of the numbers four and seven when he repeatedly refers to Native
"cult numerology" and goes so far as to say that "Seven
must have been associated in Native minds early on with European
culture through gambling and other usages" (214). He uses
negative terminology which is bound to alienate. He speaks of
"squaw-men," the Nez Perce Coyote myth becomes "a
kind of origin myth," the Osage tale contains "internal
confusion," Native folklore is sprinkled with "erotic
narrative debris" and Ti-jean has a career in "Indian
captivity."
How then, to
sum up the value of a book such as this? It fulfills its promise
of examining the Native in literature from many perspectives.
The non-Native perspective dominates, and though Thomas King
states in his introduction that the book is an "excursion
into new land," much of it is recharting old territory.
Except for the essays by Cornell and Vangen it has little to
offer scholars of Native literature. I would hesitate to recommend
this book to students of my Native literature classes since,
once again, it objectifies and dehumanizes Natives and their
culture because they are Native; and it places Natives firmly
outside "Canadian" culture and literary scholarship.
Agnes Grant
Brandon University
*
*
*
*
Recovering the Word: Essays on Native American
Literature. Ed. Brian Swann and Arnold Krupat.
Berkeley & Los Angeles: U California Press, 1987. $60 cloth,
ISBN 0-520-05790-2; $17.95 paper, ISBN 0-520-05964-6.
Much of the
title here must be taken in its most expansive form. "The
Word" includes film, in Andrew Wiget's "Telling The
Tale: A Performance Analysis of Hopi Coyote Story," which
discusses the Words & Place videotape of Helen Sekaquaptewa
telling a traditional story. "The Word" can also refer
to sand paintings, kiva design and blankets in Paul Zolbrod's
essay on signification in Navajo poetry, song and visual arts:
"When Artifacts Speak, What Can They Tell Us?" "American"
takes the broad sense geographically to include pre-Columbian
texts discussed by Willard Gingerich in "Heidegger and the
Aztecs" and Dennis Tedlock's "Walking the World of
the Popol Vuh"; there is, however, no discussion or even
recognition of contemporary written literature, whether in Spanish
or in the indigenous {21} languages,
by Native American authors in Latin America. Interaction between
Native American traditions and European imports receives
attention in Joel Scherzer's "Strategies in Text and Context:
The Hot Pepper Story" and Donald Bahr's "Pima Heaven
Songs" with Brian Swann's "A Note on Translation, and
Remarks on Collaboration," which comments on his reworking
of Scherzer's translation of the Cuna story. All these essays
deal with Native American adaptations of European originals,
and in the same category we may consider Anthony Mattina's essay
on "North American Indian Mythography: Editing Texts for
the Printed Page," which has special reference to his own
edition of The Golden Woman, as well as Rudolph Kaiser's
careful retracing of the various (genuine and spurious) versions
of "Chief Seattle's Speech(es): American Origins and European
Reception." And "Literature" includes, besides
the visual and media arts already noted, the "Traditional
Osage Naming Ceremonies" discussed by Carter Revard.
Noting here the
subjects of ten of the 21 essays in this weighty collection (644
pages: even in paper its heavier than a breadbox) suggests an
emphasis on traditional and oral literature, and indeed such
is the case. The first 10 articles come under a heading titled
"Mythographic Presentation: Theory and Practice"; all
the essays in this section have to do, one way or another, with
oral texts: how they are represented (in print or on film or
in sand paintings) and how they are translated--though representations/translations
discussed here are exclusively those undertaken by non-Indians.
The single exception is Krupat's essay on "Post-Structuralism
and Oral Literature," which suggests a theory of interpretation
rather than one of representation. (Discussions of traditional
texts presented in written form in the original languages by
Indian authors falls into the second part, with Tedlock's essay
and H. David Brumble's piece on Crashing Thunder.) While
this first part of the book is further subdivided into "Theory"
and "Practice" sections, this reviewer does not see
such clear-cut demarcations: Gingerich's essay on the Cantares
Mexicanos clearly applies a philosophical system to illuminate
the texts under discussion, whereas Wiget surely contributes
to an as yet very sparse theoretical basis for discussing video
representation of storytellers and their art. Potentially
the most interesting part of this section, and of the book as
a whole, is Mattina's attempt to engage the theories of Tedlock
(ethnopoetics) and Hymes (measured verse) with his own translation
theory and practice. All three authors are represented, but the
debate never really gets under way. This is symptomatic of a
lack of focus in the volume generally, which I return to below.
{22}
The second half
of the book is titled "Interpreting the Material" and
is also subdivided, this time into oral and written works. Written
works in this case seems to mean works written down by Indian
authors (i.e., the Popol Vuh, Crashing Thunder, the
novels of Scott Momaday and James Welch). The curious exception
is Kaiser's discussion of the various versions of Chief Seattle's
speech. Interpretations of oral works lean heavily on the trickster
figure: they include William Bright's excursus into coyote lore
and tales in 'The Natural History of Old Man Coyote," Barre
Toelken's "Life and Death in the Navajo Coyote Tales,"
and a Cree Trickster tale in three (or four?) versions as set
down by Howard Norman in "Wesucechak Becomes a Deer arid
Steals Language." Julian Rice on the significance of the
meadowlark in "How the Bird that Speaks Lakota Earned a
Name" and Carter Revard on "Traditional Osage Naming
Ceremonies" remind us that there are other genres and modes.
Only two essays
concentrate on interpreting contemporary works (I except Duane
Niatum's "On Stereotypes" in this section, which is
general or polemical or theoretical but not interpretive): Paula
Gunn Allen's reading of House Made of Dawn in "Bringing
Home the Fact," which develops parallels with Navajo ceremonials,
especially Beauty-way, and William Bevis's "Native American
Novels: Homing In." Bevis's piece contains some of the most
serendipitous discussion in the book, in particular his analysis
of the animals in American Indian fiction as being "urban"
and "downtown" to distinguish the Native American and
European Romantic views of nature.
Many of the virtues
of the book will he evident from the list of contributors and
subjects sketched in above: Bahr's essay on the Pima heaven songs
not only presents a model of careful translation but also introduces
the reader to a little-known body of poetry. M. Dale Kinkade's
"Bluejay and His Sister" is likewise exemplary in showing
how linguistic scholarship will bring to light artistic nuances
of translated texts. Kaiser's thoroughgoing pursuit of the text(s)
of Chief Seattle's speech is a welcome reprint, contributing
as it does to sorting out the history of a popular/populist text,
and serving as well as a model of scholarship. It would be easy--and
given space enough, a welcome task--to pick out other essays
of particular importance; what must be clear by now is that this
book is a rich and various collection of approaches, insights
and even new texts.
There are also
problems with the book, and insofar as they represent problems
in the whole field of scholarship in American Indian literature,
I believe they are worth noting. Some of these pieces are better
than others; the reader will easily see which these are; this,
however, is a hazard of any collection. More specific to this
{23} subject: the editors acknowledge
the eclecticism and incompleteness of the collection, while asserting
that it presents "state-of-the-art" scholarship on
Native American literature (bearing in mind the publication date
of 1987; some pieces are already subject to revision, like Norman's,
which--along with his other "Swampy Cree" texts--must
be reconsidered in light of Brightman's and Nichols's critiques
in IJAL [April 1989]). One cannot help suspecting that
the editors of Recovering the Word chose "eclectic"
as a preferred term for "unwieldy" in the characterization
of their aims and criteria. A lack of focus, both in subjects
covered and in audience approached, is acknowledged in the introduction,
where we read that both "the sophisticated general reader"
and "the professional student" should find things--but
evidently not the same things --to chew on.
One might have
expected even an eclectic volume, certainly one which purports
to address the broadest range of issues in the field, to consider
some of the unsettling theoretical problems. For instance, the
question of just what is oral literature and what is written
literature remains problematic, as noted above in comments on
the placement of Kaiser's essay. The distinction between "theory"
and "practice" supposedly made in the first section
of the book likewise eludes one; would it not make more sense,
in a volume intended to present the leading edge of theories,
to have placed Dell Hymes's and Dale Kinkade's essays together,
to offer a stronger argument for the non-idiosyncracy of the
"measured verse" method--rather than depositing one
under the title "theory" and the other in the bin marked
"practice"? Or, to take another instance, Brian Swann's
reworkings of texts considered in both Bahr's and Scherzer's
essays focuses these pieces, with Mattina's and Hyrnes's, on
problems of translation. There are debates about translation,
and Mattina outlines some of the positions that have been taken
in his essay: would the reader (of whatever level of sophistication
or specialization) not welcome some editorial perspective on
the issue?
In summary, my
judgment is that the considerable value of the individual essays
here presented would have been immensely enhanced with more generous
editorial commentary and apparatus. Such commentary would also
have acknowledged some important neglected areas. Colonial and
post-colonial written literature south of the Rio Grande is one
subject already noted. Another is poetry in English: three widely
recognized poets are among the contributors, but any extended
analysis of a contemporary poet's oeuvre or of a body of poetry
or even an individual poem is conspicuously absent. Still another
is written literature in English before 1968; excepting a few
pages on McNickle and the citation of "firsts" in the
{24} introduction, the innocent
reader might conclude that no other American Indian had set pen
to paper before the 1960s. And what about (one of the best kept
secrets in the field) drama? Some of these subjects do not enjoy
the meticulous attention of well-placed scholars; like the question
of why the figure of coyote gets disproportionate attention,
the issue of where scholarly priorities are placed and why and
with what results deserves some scrutiny in a volume on the "state
of the art."
The editors will
object that if they included all these things the book would
be twice as fat and heavy as it already is, and they are right.
This is a two-volume (at least) project that resists being cinched
between one set of covers. Reading Recovering the Word is
like seeing random blueprints and elevations for an elaborate
monument: a pediment here, a pilaster there, any one of them
a remarkable and admirable achievement, but giving little idea
of what the edifice of "Native American literature"
might actually be.
Helen Jaskoski
California State University Fullerton
*
*
*
*
D'Arcy McNickle. James Ruppert. Western Writers Series
83. Boise: Boise State UP, 1988. 55 pp., ISBN 0-88430-082-X.
James Ruppert's
timely literary biography of D'Arcy McNickle will be a valuable
resource for those teaching his works. It provides background
material on his life and then summarizes the key points of his
major publications. The "Fiction" section includes
discussions of The Surrounded (1936); Runner in
the Sun (1954); and Wind from an Enemy Sky (1978).
The "Ethnohistory" section includes discussions of
They Came Here First: The Epic of the American Indian (1949);
Indians and OtherAmericans: Two Ways of Life Meet (co-authored
with Harold Fey) (1959); Indian Tribes of the United States:
Ethnic and Cultural Survival (1962); and Indian Man:
A Life of Oliver La Farge (1971).
An overview of
the range of McNickle's works is particularly welcome at this
time because, as Ruppert concludes, D'Arcy McNickle's fiction,
once out of print, is now attracting a far wider audience than
the works received in their initial publications, and his stature
as a writer grows. Moreover, through McNickle's ethnohistorical
studies and his active professional and political life on behalf
of native {25} peoples, McNickle
is a very significant figure in the evolution of pan-Indian awareness
and organization. He also has been an effective and articulate
advocate for cultural relativism and cultural determinism when
those concepts were not well understood in American life or literature.
The first ten
pages of the pamphlet are devoted to a biographical sketch of
D'Arcy McNickle's life. Five of these cover his first thirty
years, but while some interesting data emerge, the portrait does
not flesh out D'Arcy psychologically. What did young McNickle
struggle with? How was he perceived by others as a boy? What
is known about his family situation? Certainly more has yet to
be written on this aspect of his life which could be particularly
helpful in understanding The Surrounded. It also might
help us understand McNickle's extraordinary lifetime dedication
to redressing the wrongs of the wardship mentality in U.S. politics
and policies.
The rest of the
biography covers the achievements of an amazing man who through
a series of bureaucratic appointments was able to impact national
Indian policies and to go beyond them. In these latter biographical
pages Ruppert is able to communicate McNickle's dedication and
passion for Native American history and his belief that the dominant
American society must make a place for Indian cultures and Indian
self-determination. McNickle's activities are so extensive from
age thirty-two to seventy-three, when he died of a massive coronary
in Albuquerque (October, 1977), that one needs to read and reread
Ruppert's summary to grasp the scope and significance of McNickle's
achievements. To one who knows of him primarily through his fiction,
this section of the biography is very informative.
In section two,
"Fiction," Ruppert gives a summary of the plot and
discusses key issues in each of McNickle's three novels. The
strength of these analyses lies in Ruppert's knowledge of McNickle's
non-fiction works. He is able to communicate a play of mind which
ranges from contemporary events and crises to a grounded sociohistorical
perspective, and a need to have fiction address the cultural/physical
complexities of becoming a displaced people in hereditary lands.
When Ruppert insists that McNickle's "characters are developed
more from what they believe and are brought up to believe as
members of human groups than from individual psychology"
(17), he makes a very important point. He also is correct in
emphasizing that the Indian "communion with the land is
through hunts, moving camps, and ritual action, rather than moments
of mystic unity" (17). Ruppert also perceives, as in the
case of Archilde, protagonist of The Surrounded, that
"man's weaknesses, limited knowledge, and thwarted {26} desires are still sources of compassion
and worth" (19). All McNickle's novels have characters who
fail. Every one of them, including the evil Dark Dealer in Runner
in the Sun, possesses human dignity.
Yet the most
vital aspect of McNickle's fictional work is his ability to make
us see and feel the enormity of the gulfs between world views
when two cultures collide. The weakness in Ruppert's discussion
is that he waffles between praising McNickle's cultural relativism
and siding with a critical approach that sees the white guys
as the bad guys. In Ruppert's analysis, Adam Pell carries the
primary blame for the catastrophe at the end of Wind from
an Enemy Sky, and Archilde's downfall is inevitable because
of the cultural disruption brought about by white domination.
Yet it is Henry Jim, the leader of the Little Elk tribe, who
must, in part, be held accountable for the tragedy in Wind
from an Enemy Sky. It is he who understood the power of
the Feather Boy Bundle to his people and who stole it away. Moreover,
McNickle's development of Max and Father Grepilloux does not
permit a moral dismissal of white actions and motivations in
The Surrounded. A true frontier is disorienting internally
and externally whether one is Indian or White. Even a careful
listener, a good-hearted dedicated man like Rafferty (Wind)
can be caught in the web of honest, yet isolated and destructive,
action.
Ruppert's interpretation
of Runner in the Sun is also a surprise. He sees the
primary action as Salt's journey to what we now call Mexico City,
the central focus of the last one-third of the book. But the
first two-thirds turn on the struggle between Dark Dealer and
Holy One. In this novel, greed for resources and power is a human
trait. Dark Dealer is willing to cut the spring water off from
his community and to toy with the most profound beliefs of his
people in order to achieve primacy for himself and his clan.
The young hero, Salt, must earn his way into manhood amidst this
power struggle before he can go on his journey South to seek
what may save his community.
While the "Fiction"
section has both strengths and weaknesses, the "Ethnohistory"
section which follows is a fascinating exploration of McNickle's
developing thought throughout his professional career. McNickle's
B.I.A. work encouraged research and writing. As Ruppert highlights,
McNickle used that research to educate the dominant white culture.
He exposed negative stereotypes of Indians and the cultural myths
surrounding them. He spoke of Indian architectural and artistic
achievements, of Indian social organization and tribal diversity.
In spite of "slavery and mass death" (34), in the face
of {27} overwhelming pressures to
assimilate and to vanish, McNickle celebrated their continuing
cultural survival.
His non-fiction
also constantly reflects on the period he knew intimately: the
years of Indian exploitation before the Indian Reorganization
Act of 1934, Collier's encouragement of self-determination, the
Eisenhower years of termination and relocation, the flowering
of pan-Indian awareness in the 1960s, and the desperate political
actions of the early 1970s, including the 1973 Wounded Knee confrontation.
McNickle's concern was to reflect those decades accurately in
their spirit and in the events that unfolded. He was an eye-witness
and, at times, a participant, in a critical turning point for
native peoples.
While aspects
of the biography raise critical questions, James Ruppert's work
successfully engages readers in an appreciation for the complexity
of thought, the vision, and the energy of creation that distinguishes
D'Arcy McNickle's life.
Alanna Kathleen Brown
Montana State University
*
*
*
*
The Faithful Hunter: Abenaki Stories.
As told by Joseph Bruchac. Illustrations by Kahionhes. Greenfield
Center, NY: Greenfield Review Press, 1988. 61 pp., paper, ISBN
0-91267-875-5.
The collection's
title story exemplifies the values that the tales' tellers must
have originally intended to inspire and reinforce in western
Abenaki life. A hunter has just brought his wife and children
for the long winter but dies when a sharp spruce branch pierces
his heart. He rises and continues the season's work, providing
shelter, food, furs, and ultimately a new canoe for his family.
When spring comes, he sends his wife to her relatives, telling
her to come back after three days. When the wife and her relatives
return for the hunter, they find him under the old canoe, long
dead.
But he has kept
his family through the winter. Elsewhere in the book, the ability
to put the welfare of others above one's own situation distinguishes
the only wise man among the four human questers in "Gluskabe
and the Four Wishes": he is the man who seeks to be a better
hunter "to provide food for my family and my people."
(Note that four here functions as fulfillment, contrasting
with the many Indo-European tales of the three wishes, the three
travelers, etc.) In other stories, the squirrel, the moose, Uncle
Turtle, and even Glus-{28}kabe himself
learn the importance of allowing other beings their natural pursuits.
The stories in The Faithful Hunter seem to have been
chosen for their concern with demonstrating context--that of
human beings in a world of varied creatures, that of the individual
person in the larger human society. As John Moody suggests in
his introduction, relationships and relations are at the center
of the book.
The stories'
content suggests aspects of life among an Algonquian people whose
interior location and seventeenth-century withdrawals have left
historians with less evidence than in other cases. The importance
of storytelling as a mode of socialization is evident. Other
concrete behaviors within the society are suggested by the stories:
for example, the skunk character is patted black with pipe ash
as a punishment for its anger toward Gluskabe, a detail that
mirrors the blackening of a misbehaving child's face that Gordon
M. Day has described as an Abenaki disciplinary method.
In the early
eighties, an exhibit on New England Algonquian culture in Boston's
Children's Museum reminded visitors that "Were still here."
The current publication of recreated narratives gives the same
notice to readers, Indian and non-Indian. Joseph Bruchac has
with The Faithful Hunter: Abenaki Stories (strikingly
illustrated by Mohawk artist John [Kahionhes] Fadden of Akwesasne)
provided yet another powerful evocation of the Abenaki side of
his ancestry, and one accessible to varied age and educational
levels. Bruchac is known as a poet in his own right, concerned
with tradition-in-the-making (see review of Sutvival This
Way: Interviews with American Indian Poets in this number
of SAIL). Mingling his voice with those of
centuries of storytellers results in vivid, stark stories whose
lessons are inseparable from their actors. The Faithful Hunter
is the second book of Abenaki stories told by Bruchac, following
The Wind Eagle and Other Abenaki Stories (Greenfield
Review Press, 1985).
Bruchac's interest
in Iroquois oral tradition produced a 1985 anthology, Iroquois
Stories: Heroes and Heroines, Monsters and Magic (Crossing
Press). Since The Faithful Hunter, he has this year
published a hardcover collection of Algonquian and Iroquoian
stories, Return of the Sun: Native American Tales from the
Northeast Woodlands (Crossing Press, 1989). The introduction
to Return of the Sun provides needed information on
Bruchac's selection of materials and his own methods of composition
as well as a powerful reminder that the materials themselves
originated in nonwritten traditions and in other languages.
But the stories
persist from generation to generation of storytellers and audiences.
In each generation, the need for the tales values grows, but
one generation of storytellers finds heirs, and small {29}
presses revere and expand the oral tradition to larger audiences.
A collection like The Faithful Hunter exemplifies at
the cultural level the sustenance and survival the hunters care
assured his family: individual lives end, but they yearn toward
those who can continue their work. In their finding heirs in
each generation, the bearers of Abenaki and other native cultures
transcend death by continuing to cherish.
Joyce Flynn
Harvard University
*
*
*
*
Elderberry Flute Song. Contemporary Coyote Tales.
Peter Blue Cloud/Aroniawenrate. 1989. White Pine Press,
P.O. Box 236, Niagara Square Station, Buffalo, New York 14201.
ISBN 0-934834-92-X.
Just when
the academics thought they had him corralled, here comes Coyote
again, sneaking under the fence and waving his penis at the women,
tall-taling his grandchildren, dropping turds and people over
the earth. The difficulty with Elderberry Flute Song, however,
is that Coyote also has become a late Romantic, indulging in
the visionary mopes when he ought to be tricking and treating,
bricoleur and fabulist topmost on the tree. Unlike Jaime
de Angulo's coyote tales, which are entirely narrative, Blue
Cloud's is a collection of unrhymed lyrics, earthy vignettes,
shaggydog stories, and, alas, flaccid reflections, that should,
in its motley form, reflect Coyote's coat of fool and jester.
What happens, however, is that we sometimes lose Coyote's ironic
bite and the tale-teller's narrative drive in sentimentality
and poetic posturing.
The collection
is uneven in quality. In certain of the poems, for instance,
we get the amoral clown and creator at his best: "Drum,"
"Snout," "Coyote Flies," "Sneeze."
In "Drum" Badger's Son learns to make one because Coyote
refuses to teach him; and so, as in all creation myths, he dreams
a drum up:
'And where,' asked someone,
'did such a fine drum come from?'
And Badger's Son said, 'Oh, it was
Coyote Old Man who refused to teach me
to make this fine drum.'
{30}
Even the conventionally lewd shaggydog story works here as Coyote
has his way with the happily deceived female, Saucy Duckfeather,
who understands at once what to do with a suspiciously-prominent
tree-limb. In this case the refusal to write succinct narrative
results in satisfactorily loopy complications.
Blue Cloud,
however, has turned Coyote's tales toward the lyrical and the
sentimental, toward, in other words, reflections of the artist
upon his art and upon mankind's woes, perhaps speaking as a sad
Coyote and perhaps not. The finest of such poems is "Black
Coyote," in which the dream world of poetic inspiration
is set forth in carefully-pointed imagery and a subtly-tenacious
narrative line. But much of this writing is not craftily crafted;
the complexities of form and wit are abandoned in favor of hardcore
pathos. In "As I Sit Here, Writing Down His Words,"
the nature imagery assumes the conventional stance of moody complement:
"The humans eyes are closed and head still back/ and rain
and tears stream down his face." There is too much of this:
Magic is the first taste
of ripe strawberries, and magic is a child dancing
in a summer's rain. ("Coyote, Coyote, Please Tell Me")
And this, where the approach to the visionary leads only to
mentalist gymnastics:
Because a mind of stone unturned
is winding into a core of crystal
which will shatter the very stars,
because I offer you vast stores
of food grown in the mind of Creation
and you eat instead the cold ashes
of an abandoned fire, and clothe
yourselves in where you think
you might be going, ("Why, Coyote, Why?")
The crazy lightfootedness of Coyote doesn't permit him the
luxury of cosmic speculation. His ability to laugh at his failures
and give an ironic bite to his tale makes this amoral trickster
unwelcome in the sentimentalist's camp. De Angulo avoids making
Coyote the taleteller stand in for the tale-teller; this reflexive
use of Coyote is a writer's gimmick that falsifies emotional
response. Intertextual comparisons with earlier forms of the
varmint remind us of what is missing. Pick up Jerry Ramsey's
Oregon collection, or, hungry for {31}
more, go back to Jacobs and Curtis and the underused Bulletins
of the U.S. Bureau of Ethnology. In these collections, antic
animal creation and the sharp strokes of elliptical, highly-metaphoric
oral narration tell us what we have really lost, even
in translation.
There is a lesson
to ferret (coyote?) out here: Coyote's is certainly a continually
seminal myth, and Coyote is available for spilling his seed even
into the high-and-mighty poetics of Those Who Come After. Writers
looking to the ancestral icons, however, have to sharpen their
originating skills to save us from the banality of ancestor worship
and give a new shining to that inherited power. Cultural imperialism
works through the imagination, above all else, and the White
Man's conventional language of feeling attenuates Coyote's demonic
energy (or any other) only to reveal what we all know: it doesn't
make the best White Man's poetry, either. Elderberry Flute
Song is a pleasant read but the dis-cussed beast is only
partially in view.
Robley Evans
Connecticut College
*
*
*
*
Zuñi Folk Tales. Ed. Frank
Hamilton Cushing. Foreword by John Wesley Powell. Intro. Mary
Austin. Tucson: U Arizona, 1986. 474 pp., paper, ISBN 0-8165-0986-7.
Zuñi
Pueblo is situated on an open plain peppered here and there with
piñons and junipers. The high desert of red and yellow
sand stands in marked contrast to the deep blue skies and large
white clouds that loom over the flat-topped mountains. The Zuñis
have lived in their Southwestern home since the beginning of
time, an age when humans, plants, and animals lived as one tribe
upon the earth. They shared their hopes and dreams, their joys
and sorrows. The earth people, plant people, and animal people
learned much from one another. As a result, the first Zuñis
benefitted mightily, and the people shared their knowledge and
wisdom, passing along to each new generation that which was learned
and understood by the previous one. The depth of this process
was prodigious, and the literature generated over the years was
voluminous. The present work offers an introduction to traditional
Zuñi literature and the "truths" of a unique
Indian culture. Originally published in 1901, a year after Frank
Cushing's death, the volume offers an array of legends that had
never before been printed. The present volume is {32}
a reprint of the first work, including introductions by John
Wesley Powell and Mary Austin.
Cushing captured
on paper the excitement and color of the Zuñi country.
The author spent five years among the people, collecting information
for the Bureau of American Ethnology. He listened carefully to
the storytellers, absorbing some elements of the old literature
of the Zuñi elders. Unlike many of the texts presented
by anthropologists of Cushing's era, his narratives are lively,
written in an enjoyable, flowing style. To do this, Cushing reworked
the Zuñi literature presented orally to him. He fashioned
the stories using his own style and method of storytelling. Most
likely he did not change the characters or plots of the stories,
but he changed the forms in which they were presented. The reason
for this is clear; he was not a Zuñi and he wrote with
his own biases for English readers, not Zuñis. Readers
should be very cautious as they explore the tales of this book.
Cushing does not offer literal translations of the Zuñi
tales, and he took great liberty with the oral traditions. Dennis
Tedlock and others have warned scholars of this specific problem,
and all readers should be aware of this problem in approaching
Cushing's work.
Many stories
deal with Coyote, the great trickster-changer who delights, humors,
and teaches everyone about themselves. In one story Coyote cleverly
kills Siviuki, the Demon of Thunder Mountain, and wins
the right to marry a beautiful maiden, the sister of Wolf, Mountain
Lion, and Bear. When Coyote moved in with his wife and her family,
he received a cold reception, particularly from the gruff Mountain
Lion. When Coyote hunts prey with his brothers-in-law, he fails
to find food. His relatives give him venison and send him home,
instructing him to take the road to the right at the place where
the trail forks. Coyote does not listen and takes the road to
the left. His inability to listen costs him his life. In other
stories, Coyote finds adventures with Locust, Blackbird, and
Beetle. Other tales recount legends involving the animal people,
such as Rabbit, Rattlesnake, and Raven. The stories are far more
than a collection of cute tales. They teach many lessons and
offer a limited understanding of Zuñi history, culture,
literature, and society.
A major flaw
of the book is the absence of an updated introduction. The editors
of the University of Arizona Press would have done well to ask
a native scholar from Zuñi or a scholar intimately familiar
with the Zuñis to write a foreword to the book, providing
insights into Zuñi literature in general and Cushing's
work in particular. The introductions by Powell and Austin are
outdated, superficial, and inadequate. Austin's discussion is
offensive, if not racist. She {33}
portrays Cushing as one of the greatest scholars of his time
and Zuñis as primitive savages living in the stone age.
The introductions by Powell and Austin are fine examples of the
"scholarly" view of American Indians at the turn of
this century, but they are of little value in analyzing Cushing's
contribution to American Indian literature at the end of the
twentieth century. The editors would do well to provide a new
foreword to this book before reprinting it. In spite of this
flaw, readers will find this an interesting book worth examining
with a critical eye.
Clifford E. Trafzer
San Diego State University
*
*
*
*
The Moccasin Maker. E. Pauline Johnson.
Intro., Annot., Bib. A. LaVonne Brown Ruoff. Tucson: U Arizona
Press, 1987. 266 pp., paper, ISBN 0-8165-0910-7.
With the
republication of E. Pauline Johnson's 1913 collection of short
stories, The Moccasin Maker, A. LaVonne Brown Ruoff
contributes to the reclamation of both women and Indian authors
in Canadian literature. Daughter of a Mohawk chief and an English
immigrant, Emily Pauline Johnson (1861-1913) became a poet, fiction
writer, essayist, and most successfully, a stage performer. Although
Pauline had less than fifty percent Indian blood (since her father
was one-quarter white), "by Canadian law and by heritage
she was Indian" (1). She was born on the Six Nations Reserve
in Ontario, a mixed-blood in the remarkable position of having
for a great-great grandfather "a member of the first council
of the Iroquois Confederacy" (2) and for her mother's first
cousin the American author William Dean Howells. "Billed
as the Mohawk Princess," notes Ruoff, "Pauline became
one of the most popular stage performers in Canada" (1)
as well as a celebrated figure in the United States and Great
Britain. Influenced by Mohawk oral tradition and history passed
on by her grandfather, Smoke Johnson, speaker of the Council
of the Iroquois Confederacy, and by British literary traditions
taught to her by her mother, Johnson incorporated both Indian
and Anglo perspectives into her work. The British Romantic writers,
particularly Keats and Byron, along with Shakespeare, the British
essayists, and American writers Longfellow and Emerson, were
among her favorite authors. She wrote about Canadian Indian life,
then, from a fundamentally Romantic point of view. Her works
include three books of poetry-- {34}
White Wampum (1895), her first and most acclaimed collection,
her less critically acclaimed Canadian Born (1903),
and Flint and Feather (1912), a re-collection of earlier
poems; and three books of prose--The Legend of Vancouver
(1911), based on stories told by Chief Joe Capilano (Squamish),
and The Shagganappi (1913) and The Moccasin Maker
(1913), two collections of short stories published after
her death.
The Moccasin
Maker, a "direct photographic reproduction of the 1913
edition published by the Ryerson Press of Toronto" (38),
retains the original pagination but replaces the original introductory
materials with Ruoff's. Since Ruoff does not discuss the original
1913 introduction, it is unclear whether, as was the case for
many Indian authors, it included prefaces, explanations, and
other such authenticating devices. Reprinting the original introduction
would provide a sense of how Johnson's work was introduced to
the reading public in 1913 when she was still known as a popular
performer. Ruoff's introduction, however, provides a rich historical,
biographical, and literary background. She presents an overview
of Johnson's personal and professional history, a discussion
of cultural and literary influences on Johnson's work, and an
analysis of Johnson's contribution. Pauline was one of the writers
of "the first renaissance in Canadian literature" (31),
explains Ruoff, and was "among the first to introduce her
frontier audiences in the Canadian West to the excitement of
literature" (34). In her work Johnson challenged, yet sometimes
perpetuated, the stereotypes of "savage"/"noble
savage" Indians and "untrustworthy" mixed-bloods;
she presented female protagonists from an Indian point of view;
and she depicted the relationship between individuals and their
vast Canadian landscape.
Most of the eleven
short stories or sketches and one essay in The Moccasin Maker
were published originally in Mother's Magazine. Johnson's
themes include the predicament of mixed-bloods, especially the
resistance to miscegenation; the relationship between whites
and Indians; and the contrast between native religion and Christianity.
Many of her stories, however, focus on women, particularly on
mothers and wives. Whether Indian or white, almost all of Johnson's
female characters are idealized, but notes Ruoff, "the situations
in which Pauline involves her heroines are real" (33). Generally,
Johnson "champions Victorian values," creating resourceful,
domestic women who "triumph over difficulties" (22).
Three stories,
in particular, stand out because of their "strong feminist
perspective for the period" (25). "A Red Girl's Reasoning,"
"As It Was in the Beginning," and "The Derelict"
all focus on the relationship between a mixed-blood or Indian
woman and a white {35} man. In the
first story, the protagonist leaves her white husband when she
discovers he does not genuinely respect her Indian heritage;
in the second, betrayed by her white lover, the heroine kills
him ingeniously. In "The Derelict," however, the lovers
finally come together. Usually, both sets of parents, Indian
and white, actively resist these unions, even after the couple
marries. Babies, though, especially grandbabies, never fail to
win over disapproving parents on both sides.
No less than
six of the eleven stories have as the central focus "mother-love."
Three are devoted to white mothers: "My Mother," "Mother
o' the Men," and "The Nest Builder"; and three
to Indian mothers: "Catharine of the 'Crows Nest,'"
"The Legend of Lilooet Falls," and "The Tenas
Klootchman." Like many stories by nineteenth-century women,
these exalt domesticity, especially the intimate bond between
mother and child. One story, for instance, describes how a woman
with nine children, the oldest twelve years old, is never worried
or discouraged, but always hard-working and generous, "good-natured
and smiling" (195). Johnson presents a more dismal
depiction of domestic life in "the Envoy Extraordinary"
in which a mother and son are oppressed by the husband/father.
Two of the stories, "My Mother" and "Her Majesty's
Guest," are, in fact, slightly fictionalized accounts of
her parents' lives.
Johnson's stories
invite comparison with such Native American writers as Charles
Alexander Eastman (Santee Sioux; 1858-1939) and Mourning Dove
(Okanogan; 1888-1936), who both wrote about Indian/white themes
using many nineteenth-century Euro-American literary conventions,
who both criticized the hypocrisy of the white world, and who
both served as "interpreter[s] of the Indian to non-Indian
audiences" (31). In addition, Johnson's work recalls the
fiction of local color writers, like Mary Freeman, whose stories
focus on family relations, specific communities, and small female
liberations. Johnson's stories and Ruoff's introduction, annotations,
and bibliography are a welcome addition to the ongoing reconstruction
of Indian literature in North America.
Hertha D.
Wong
California State University,
Chico
*
*
*
*
{36}
Ghost Singer. Anna
Lee Walters. Flagstaff: Northland Publishing, 1988. $17.95, ISBN
0-87358-472-4.
Nothing is
more important to a tribal person than family. Anglos, paper
lovers and collectors, have captured in the Smithsonian the artifacts
and genealogy of Native Americans; through losses from military
defeats, economic deprivation, genocide and the by-products of
colonialization, today's Indians have almost lost hold of their
own history.
When I talked
with her recently, Anna Lee Walters told me how it is with her
when she travels to speak to Indian groups. "I have to describe
my own genealogy. I have to explain how I am an Indian person
. . . I have to show that I'm related to a family. Every person
brought up in a tribal society knows what that means." In
Ghost Singer's Smithsonian, Indian history and culture
suffer at the hands of ignorant museum personnel. Medicine bundles
are handled negligently, their insides spilled and jumbled with
unlabelled medicine bundles of other tribes like so much cultural
recombinant DNA. Tribal people, mummified or otherwise preserved,
in parts or as whole beings, are tagged and stored, dislocated
from the essential dignity of their death. The poet Wendy Rose
says "I expected my skin/ and my blood to ripen/ not be
ripped from my bones" (Lost Copper, 14) in response
to the same issue of museum carnage.
Individual chapters
are set on the Navajo Reservation or in Oklahoma, Washington
DC, or Las Vegas, New Mexico, and each is presented from the
perspective of a particular character. An 1830s raid on Beautiful
Mountain sets off a chain of events. Red Lady and her daughter
are captured and sold into slavery; all of Red Lady's descendants
experience the blurred and troubled identity of people whose
history has been plundered. For the first hundred or so pages
Ghost Singer looks as if it might be a kind of genealogical
ethno-mystery. Knowing I had to write this review, I noted clues,
juxtapositions, dates, names, and gaps in the narrative. I constructed
genealogical charts and speculated on relationships that I expected
would be clarified in the happy light of the discovery process
so crucial to endings in western cultures. But loose threads
persisted.
Walters' intent
is not to deceive but to illuminate. Some problems have no solution:
a wild revenant, the novel's ghost, is terrorizing the Smithsonian
staff with a song which drives them to suicide; Navajo slaves
raised as Mexicans or other Indians are lost to the Dineh; an
ethnohistorian won't dissolve the cultural and professional bias
that occludes his judgments. Walters says that when there is
no resolution to a problem in real life, no resolution is permitted
in fiction.
{37}
Ghost Singer,
Walters' first novel and fourth book (The Sacred: Ways
of Knowledge/ Sources of Life; The Sun is not Merciful; The Spirit
of Native America: Beauty and Mysticism in Native American Art)
is both powerful and tender. Walters evokes the dream knowledge
shared by LeClair Williams and Wilbur Snake, caricatures the
Anglo habit of excessive talking, inhabits the dying Rosa as
she remembers her husbands, and reveres the land to which sensible
humans make permanent attachment. The imagined audience is, deliberately,
Indian, and Walters explains little that an Indian would already
know. Instead of baffling non-Indian readers, this strategy invites
active participation: if you have questions, you can find answers.
Annoying errors
creep in (numerous typos, for example, and too many uses of "In
the meantime" to signal scene changes) but Ghost Singer
dramatizes complex issues clearly. Despite tragedies, an
unwavering optimism marks each turn. In the last chapter, Nasbah
Navajo, a sixth-generation descendant of Red Lady, dandles a
baby at the camp on Beautiful Mountain. Surrounded by family,
she is healthy and whole, a vital member of a vigorous clan.
"As pitiful as we humans is, sonny," says Wilbur Snake,
Walter's favorite character, "we got power. . . . The power
we got is to live" (176).
Rhoda Carroll
Norwich University
*
*
*
*
I Tell You Now: Autobiographical Essays by Native
American Writers. Ed. Brian Swann and Arnold Krupat.
Lincoln: U Nebraska Press, 1987. Cloth, ISBN 0-8032-2714-0; paper,
ISBN 0-8032-7757-1.
Survival This Way: Interviews with American Indian
Poets. Joseph Bruchac. Tucson: U Arizona Press,
1987. ISBN 0-8165-1024-5.
These two
books are in many ways companion volumes: parallel, complementary
and sometimes full of contrast. To begin with, ten authors are
represented among both the 21 interviews in Bruchac's collection
and the 18 autobiographical pieces in the Swann-Krupat volume.
With these pieces the reader has a rare opportunity to encounter
the nuances of voice in the transcribed oral text by comparison
with the written autobiographical co |